Ron Arnold's Green Tracking Library

The NODOG Cluster
Originally "No Dirty Oil and Gas" (NoDOG)
Changed to "No Dirty Energy

Connecting the Anti-Oil and Gas Dots: Social Network Diagram

Energy Killers Top Strategy: Demonize oil, gas, coal and nuclear power so people won’t use them.

Top Rationale: Force energy starvation on America by reducing energy supply and raising energy prices as a means of obtaining social, economic and political power for green elites under the banner of conservation.

Top Tactic: Make people stop using energy by making them feel guilty, convincing them that global warming is caused only by humans. Then blame anything bad that happens - heat, cold, wet, dry, storms, disease, famine, whatever - on global warming and therefore on humans. Thus no one can escape blame and everyone must seek forgiveness by making a show of complying with climate dogma, such as repeating apocalyptic beliefs, gladly suffering privation, rage against industry, paying green elites for carbon offsets, and persecuting or attacking non-believers. 

Dogwood Initiative

Oil and Gas Accountability Project


National Wildlife Federation

Trout Unlimited

Theodore Roosevelt Conservation Partnership

Sportsmen for Responsible Energy Development

The Wilderness Society

New Mexico Wildlife Federation

Natural Resources Defense Council

Union Sportsmen's Alliance

Environmental Defense, Inc.

Sierra Club

Rainforest Action Network

Amazon Watch

Washington Monthly

Friends of the Earth

Burma Project

Western Environmental Law Center

Center for Science in Public Participation


Common Ground United

Santa Fe

Izaak Walton League

San Juan Citizens Alliance

Tony Dean

Wyoming Outdoor Council

Amigos Bravos

Powder River Resource Council

Great Basin Mine Watch

Native Action

Oscar Simpson

Democracy in Action

Concerned Citizens of Cerillos

Wildlife Management Institute


Foundations designing and funding anti-oil and gas campaigns

Brainerd Foundation

Gordon Moore Foundation

Pew Charitable Trusts

Wilburforce Foundation

Turner Foundation

Nathan Cummings Foundation


A broad coalition of environmental groups formed in 2004 and coalesced in 2006 to stop oil and gas development on all federal and state government lands in America. It became known by its original name, No Dirty Oil and Gas ("NoDOG"), although it was subsequently changed to No Dirty Energy.

Paul BrainerdIt was formulated by a number of foundations in the Environmental Grantmakers Association, particularly by the Brainerd Foundation, the private exempt corporation of Seattle software multimillionaire Paul Brainerd. Brainerd approved a series of coordinated grants designed to merge existing groups into more effective anti-industry fighters and to network independent groups with the newly merged groups.

Brainerd's first step was to connect anti-oil and gas groups from Canada and the United States, funding two small grants:

Dogwood Initiative, Victoria, British Columbia - 2004: $3,000 To fund a face-to-face strategy meeting of Canadian energy activists to develop a framework for a markets campaign.
Oil and Gas Accountability Project, Durango, Colorado - 2004: $2,000 To fund a workshop to train activists in Canada and the U.S. and to develop a corporate accountability campaign targeting one energy corporation that operates in both countries.

With these instructions from Brainerd, the Dogwood Initiative and the Oil and Gas Accountability Project (OGAP) held the workshop in Denver in September, 2004, titled, Corporate Energy Campaigning: Using financial pressure for conservation (Page 9 of a 12-page newsletter).

The corporate campaign was a tactic invented in 1974 by labor organizer Raymond F. Rogers, Jr. and well known among environmentalists by the 1980s.

OGAP and the Dogwood Initiative brought 40 activists to the Denver workshop from the Yukon,  Alberta, BC, Ontario, Alaska, Montana, Colorado, Wyoming, New Mexico, Louisiana, and Maine, 28 shown in the photo below:

The NoDOG Group

Preparations were assisted by Amazon Watch and the Burma Project of Global Exchange. In addition, Friends of the Earth and Rainforest Action Network sent trainers.

Brainerd had prepared activists to deal with corporate campaigns earlier in the year:

Western Environmental Law Center , Eugene, Oregon - 2004: $2,000 To instruct environmentalists in negotiation techniques by providing a training session led by TREC's Jim Thomas March 12-14. [TREC is Training Resources for the Environmental Community, based in Santa Fe, New Mexico - The Librarian]

Brainerd simultaneously gave a "challenge grant" to the Washington, D.C.-based Mineral Policy Center (founded 1988), which had adapted the corporate campaign from a labor union tactic into an anti-mining tactic with its "No Dirty Gold" campaign. Brainerd directed the Mineral Policy Center to change its name to Earthworks and to merge with the Oil and Gas Accountability Project (see Brainerd's profile of the merger). The challenge grant stated:

Earthworks, Washington, D.C. - 2004: $30,000 To advance a markets campaign to leverage the application of best practices within the mining industry.

The challenge grant did not state that the "markets campaign" was to transfer the "leverage" that had been used against the mining industry to be used against the oil and gas industry through the new partnership with OGAP.

The merger was completed in 2004 when two members of OGAP's board of directors, Gloria Flora (renegade U.S. Forest Service employee) and Wilma Subra (leader of Louisiana Environmental Action Network), joined the board of the new Earthworks. OGAP's last IRS Form 990 was filed in 2004, when Mineral Policy Center's Form 990 first used the name Earthworks.

One Earthworks board member, Vermont Law School Professor Karin P. Sheldon, had served on both Mineral Policy Center and OGAP boards since 2001. She remains Chairman of the Board of Earthworks.

Brainerd further reinforced the anti-oil and gas network by requiring Earthworks to partner with the Montana-based Center for Science in Public Participation (CSPP). Steven D'Esposito, executive director of Earthworks, has been chairman of the board of SCPP since 2001. SCPP is D'Esposito's "science-on-demand" campaigning tool, which he makes available to a circle of allies.

Center for Science in Public Participation, Bozeman, Montana - 2004: $20,000 To provide focused technical support to Earthworks and its allied groups seeking to reform federal and state hardrock mining practices.

Oil and gas soon joined hardrock mining in CSPP's attack portfolio.

Finally, Brainerd laid the groundwork for expansion of the attack on oil and gas development with grants to three allied groups already at work on various approaches and tactics to destroy oil and gas production in America.

National Wildlife Federation - 2004: $30,000 To encourage the involvement of hunters and anglers with clean water issues.
The Wilderness Society - 2004: $20,000 To sustain the campaign to protect the Rocky Mountain Front from the dual threats of oil and gas development and off-road vehicle (ORV) use.
Trout Unlimited - 2004: $100,000 A two-year grant to engage new spokespeople commending the conservation of western public lands.

In September 2005, these green groups coalesced around provisions of the FY2006 Budget Reconciliation Bill that provided for producing more American energy from American soil. Staffers at Earthworks, the Wilderness Society, Trout Unlimited, and the National Wildlife Federation came together to kill the energy provisions.  Trout Unlimited emailed its roughly 100,000 members to spotlight the fight. A petition signed by 758 sportsmen's clubs affiliated with National Wildlife Federation, helped kill the American energy industry.

This story is told by Christina Larson, managing editor of The Washington Monthly, in The Emerging Environmental Majority, of May 2006. Read it in The Green Tracking Library backup file.

In late 2006, an anonymous person sent a warning memo to an oil and gas association, spelling out the details of a planned 6-year "No Dirty Oil and Gas" campaign to destroy the oil and gas industry in the Western United States, 2006-2012. The predictions for 2007 and 2008 have so far all proven correct. The "NoDOG MEMO" became a cause célèbre in mid 2007 when it was spread to many analysts and petroleum industry people. Read The NoDOG Memo here. The Oil and Gas Accountability Project has claimed the memo is a fraud written by an oil company lobbyist, which begs the question of how an industry lobbyist would have such accurate detail on green group events months before they happened.

By 2008, the anti-oil and gas campaign had grown far beyond the original scope of the NoDOG concept, and became a cluster of related anti-fossil fuel campaigns attacking American industry on many fronts.